Online these days all you hear about is Trump, Trump Trump. While the Donald is an interesting sideshow here that we can laugh at with impunity, the United Kingdom has its own primary sideshow, and it's pretty serious for us. Of course, I refer to the primary election for leader of the Labour Party. (Declaration of interest: I am a member of the Liberal Democratic party here.)
There are four candidates: Andy Burnham, Liz Kendall, Yvette Cooper, and Jeremy Corbyn. I have provided links to the Wikipedia articles on each candidate, but I don't vouch for the authenticity of all the data in these articles.
The first three candidates are mostly "mainstream" Labour. That is, they were nurtured in their political careers by the likes of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. They were electable, the Labour Party had huge majorities in Parliament, and they were used to winning. Corbyn, on the other hand, is a self-styled democratic socialist. I would describe him as a more radical Bernie Sanders.
The problem came after the pasting that the Labour and Liberal Democratic parties got in the general election in May. There was a sentiment that the Conservatives would lose some seats, Labour would gain some,the LibDems would lose about 1/2 their seats, and some kind of Coalition would take over. In the event, Labour lost some, the Conservatives won some, the LibDems were almost wiped out, and thus the Conservatives formed a majority government (12 seats).
The LibDem leader, who had been Deputy Prime Minister, resigned from the leadership of his party, the Labour leader, Ed Miliband, also resigned. Thus was this contest set up.
Labour decided that, besides all their current members, people who registered as supporters for £3 could vote in the leadership election. The first three candidates above quickly threw their chapeaux into the ring. None of them are on the old left-wing of the party, so some MPs stumped up their votes to nominate Corbyn at almost the last minute.
Burnham was considered the front-runner at the beginning of the contest, but it quickly became apparent that a rush of new supporting members (something like 300,000+) was intending to vote for Corbyn. His rallies were overbooked, and Corbyn had to address the overflow crowds that had gathered outside while standing on a fire engine.
Corbyn's public stances were predictably left-wing: ease the legal restrictions on labour unions, continue quantitative easing by telling the Bank of England to print more money, and other policies aimed to ease the lives of the 99% by removing austerity economics from their backs. He would end the British government's Trident nuclear submarine deterrent (a very popular view among the young, the older Labour voters, and many Scots).
These policies alarmed the "New Labour" candidates for leader. Most of them were old enough to remember the 1983 election, or at least to have studied it in school. They recall the crushing defeat that Labour suffered under Michael Foot in that year. The Labour party manifesto that year has been called "the longest suicide note in history" It took nearly 15 years for Labour to regain power. They then went on to govern in the longest streak for the party ever: 13 years. They have attributed that to the charisma of Tony Blair, prime minister for 10 out of those 13 years. They are frightened witless that a Corbyn leadership would doom them to another 9 years in opposition.
So their first step was to question the loyalty of many of those who had joined in the past couple of months since the General Election. Some who had been Labour party members for years and who had resigned or drifted away came back, only to find that Labour had looked at their voting history and had invalidated their membership because they weren't considered real supporters. (Canvassers go from door to door here and record your sympathies for a party or candidate, if they can.) The fear was that numbers of Conservative party members and supporters would register as Labour party supporters to tip the election to Corbyn.
Corbyn, meanwhile, has galvanised people, especially young people and students. They have registered in their droves, and have become active in politics to an extent not seen before. This in and of itself should give the Conservative party chills, as their own policies have disadvantaged students and young jobless people. They do not have to hold an election for 4-1/2 years, however, so they feel they have time to neutralise this movement. Old Labourites, too, have rallied to the Red Flag in their thousands. Tony Blair repulsed them, with his refusal to renationalise the railways and especially his perceived lying to bring the UK into the Iraq war. Now they see hope that traditional Labour is back, with a vengeance.
The labour unions of course are all behind Corbyn, leaving the party open to the accusation that it's in the pockets of the unions. (The Tories of course deny that they are in the pockets of big business and big finance.) Several hundred thousand members of labour unions are also supporters of Labour, and several of the biggest unions have endorsed Corbyn. At the present time all the opinion polls suggest that Corbyn will win and assume the leadership.
So what is likely to occur if that happens? First, Corbyn will have difficulty assembling a Shadow Cabinet. It will end up being stuffed with left wingers while the rest of the MPs stew in their own juice. Second, the New Labourite MPs may vote to eject Corbyn as their leader and trigger another leadership election. The Tories will sit back with self-satisfied smiles on their fat-cat faces while Labour destroys itself in very slow motion. In this situation the new members and supporters will roar and Labour will tear itself apart.
One of the key requirements of a parliamentary democracy is both a Government that can command a majority of MPs and a Loyal Opposition that can hold that government to account. If Labour splits or becomes consumed with its own internal ructions, there will be no ability to hold the government to account. Thus the things that the Conservatives will do in the next 4-1/2 years will go unexamined and we will have only part of a parliamentary democracy. At the end of it we may end up with a Far Right party (UKIP), a near Far Right party (The Tories), a centre-left party (the Lib Dems), and a far left party (Labour).
The big issue in this parliament will be the referendum on our membership of the European Union. When there is no effective opposition, the Conservatives tend to fight among themselves, with the Looney Right moaning about Europe, the Centre desperately trying to neutralise the right, and a Relative Left that would like to go back to the 1900's with warm beer, village greens, and little old ladies cycling to Evensong. The Conservatives will be unable to present a coherent front on the question of Europe and thus we might find ourselves out of the EU in spite of ourselves. And so it goes.
There are four candidates: Andy Burnham, Liz Kendall, Yvette Cooper, and Jeremy Corbyn. I have provided links to the Wikipedia articles on each candidate, but I don't vouch for the authenticity of all the data in these articles.
The first three candidates are mostly "mainstream" Labour. That is, they were nurtured in their political careers by the likes of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. They were electable, the Labour Party had huge majorities in Parliament, and they were used to winning. Corbyn, on the other hand, is a self-styled democratic socialist. I would describe him as a more radical Bernie Sanders.

The problem came after the pasting that the Labour and Liberal Democratic parties got in the general election in May. There was a sentiment that the Conservatives would lose some seats, Labour would gain some,the LibDems would lose about 1/2 their seats, and some kind of Coalition would take over. In the event, Labour lost some, the Conservatives won some, the LibDems were almost wiped out, and thus the Conservatives formed a majority government (12 seats).
The LibDem leader, who had been Deputy Prime Minister, resigned from the leadership of his party, the Labour leader, Ed Miliband, also resigned. Thus was this contest set up.
Labour decided that, besides all their current members, people who registered as supporters for £3 could vote in the leadership election. The first three candidates above quickly threw their chapeaux into the ring. None of them are on the old left-wing of the party, so some MPs stumped up their votes to nominate Corbyn at almost the last minute.
Burnham was considered the front-runner at the beginning of the contest, but it quickly became apparent that a rush of new supporting members (something like 300,000+) was intending to vote for Corbyn. His rallies were overbooked, and Corbyn had to address the overflow crowds that had gathered outside while standing on a fire engine.
Corbyn's public stances were predictably left-wing: ease the legal restrictions on labour unions, continue quantitative easing by telling the Bank of England to print more money, and other policies aimed to ease the lives of the 99% by removing austerity economics from their backs. He would end the British government's Trident nuclear submarine deterrent (a very popular view among the young, the older Labour voters, and many Scots).
These policies alarmed the "New Labour" candidates for leader. Most of them were old enough to remember the 1983 election, or at least to have studied it in school. They recall the crushing defeat that Labour suffered under Michael Foot in that year. The Labour party manifesto that year has been called "the longest suicide note in history" It took nearly 15 years for Labour to regain power. They then went on to govern in the longest streak for the party ever: 13 years. They have attributed that to the charisma of Tony Blair, prime minister for 10 out of those 13 years. They are frightened witless that a Corbyn leadership would doom them to another 9 years in opposition.
So their first step was to question the loyalty of many of those who had joined in the past couple of months since the General Election. Some who had been Labour party members for years and who had resigned or drifted away came back, only to find that Labour had looked at their voting history and had invalidated their membership because they weren't considered real supporters. (Canvassers go from door to door here and record your sympathies for a party or candidate, if they can.) The fear was that numbers of Conservative party members and supporters would register as Labour party supporters to tip the election to Corbyn.
Corbyn, meanwhile, has galvanised people, especially young people and students. They have registered in their droves, and have become active in politics to an extent not seen before. This in and of itself should give the Conservative party chills, as their own policies have disadvantaged students and young jobless people. They do not have to hold an election for 4-1/2 years, however, so they feel they have time to neutralise this movement. Old Labourites, too, have rallied to the Red Flag in their thousands. Tony Blair repulsed them, with his refusal to renationalise the railways and especially his perceived lying to bring the UK into the Iraq war. Now they see hope that traditional Labour is back, with a vengeance.
The labour unions of course are all behind Corbyn, leaving the party open to the accusation that it's in the pockets of the unions. (The Tories of course deny that they are in the pockets of big business and big finance.) Several hundred thousand members of labour unions are also supporters of Labour, and several of the biggest unions have endorsed Corbyn. At the present time all the opinion polls suggest that Corbyn will win and assume the leadership.
So what is likely to occur if that happens? First, Corbyn will have difficulty assembling a Shadow Cabinet. It will end up being stuffed with left wingers while the rest of the MPs stew in their own juice. Second, the New Labourite MPs may vote to eject Corbyn as their leader and trigger another leadership election. The Tories will sit back with self-satisfied smiles on their fat-cat faces while Labour destroys itself in very slow motion. In this situation the new members and supporters will roar and Labour will tear itself apart.
One of the key requirements of a parliamentary democracy is both a Government that can command a majority of MPs and a Loyal Opposition that can hold that government to account. If Labour splits or becomes consumed with its own internal ructions, there will be no ability to hold the government to account. Thus the things that the Conservatives will do in the next 4-1/2 years will go unexamined and we will have only part of a parliamentary democracy. At the end of it we may end up with a Far Right party (UKIP), a near Far Right party (The Tories), a centre-left party (the Lib Dems), and a far left party (Labour).
The big issue in this parliament will be the referendum on our membership of the European Union. When there is no effective opposition, the Conservatives tend to fight among themselves, with the Looney Right moaning about Europe, the Centre desperately trying to neutralise the right, and a Relative Left that would like to go back to the 1900's with warm beer, village greens, and little old ladies cycling to Evensong. The Conservatives will be unable to present a coherent front on the question of Europe and thus we might find ourselves out of the EU in spite of ourselves. And so it goes.